Dalmatius went to the chest behind the altar

Dalmatius went to the chest behind the altar where the relic had been kept, stole the remainder, went out, mounted his horse and rode away. The head was placed with pious joy in the chapel of his house. He returned, disguised, some days after to the church, in order, as he pretended, to do reverence to the relic, in order really to ascertain that he had taken the right head, for there had been two in the chest. He was informed that the head of St. Clement had been stolen.

Church of Cluny

Then, being satisfied as to its authenticity, he took a vow that he would give the relic to the Church of Cluny in case he should arrive safely. He erabarked. The devil, from jealousy, sent a hurricane, but the tears and prayers before the relic defeated him, and the knight arrived safely home. The monks of Cluny received the precious treasure with every demonstration of reverent joy, and in the fullest confidence that they had secured the perpetual intercession of St. Clement on behalf of themselves and those who did honor to his head. The relics most sought after were those which related to the events mentioned in the New Testament, especially to the infancy, life, and passion of Christ, and to the saints popular in the West.

But the mass possessed by the imperial city ranged from the stone on which Jacob had slept, and from the rod of Moses which changed into a serpent, down to that of the latest opponents of heresy in Constantinople. Those connected with the life of Christ and his Mother existed in great number, and comprised objects supposed to be connected with almost every event of his life. There was the cross on which the Saviour had been crucified, the great drops of blood which he had shed in Gethsemane, one of his first teeth, and some of the hair of his childhood. The devout had venerated the purple robe, and could reverence also a portion of the bread which he had blessed at the Last Supper. But besides these there was hardly a disciple, a saint, or a martyr of whom some relic did not exist.

FROM CORFU TO CONSTANTINOPLE

The expedition left Corfu on the 23d of May, Whitsun eve. Villehardouin is again in raptures at the beauty of the spectacle presented by the fleet. It looked, says he, like one which could conquer the world. The sails of the vessels dotted the ocean from the shore to the verge of the horizon, so that the hearts of men rejoiced within them. All went well as far as Negroponte and Andros, at which latter island the leaders, with young Alexis, landed and received the submission of the inhabitants. The Marquis of Montferrat everywhere presented young Alexis to the population, and did his best to make the journey an imperial progress. On arrival at the Dardanelles the leaders and those vessels which had arrived with them waited a week until the galleys and the transports came up.

They occupied the time in plundering the neighboring country and gathering in the harvest, their own stores Expedition having run short. Then they sailed again, and on constitute 23d of June anchored off the Abbey of San Stefano, about twelve miles to the southwest of Constantinople and on the Marmora. The domes and churches, the walls and towers, of New Rome were at length in sight. The view from San Stefano is not the most picturesque which can be obtained of the imperial city, but even in these days it is sufficiently imposing.

The Crusaders were amazed at the sight before them. They could not have imagined, says Villehardouin, that there could have been in the world a city so rich as that which the high walls and higher towers now before them girt entirely round. No one would have believed that there could have been so many rich palaces and lofty churches if he had not seen it with his own eyes. Nor would he have credited that the city which was the sovereign among cities could have been so long or so broad. “ Be sure there was not a man who did not tremble, because never was so great an enterprise undertaken by so small a number of men.5’

Attempt to burn the Venetian fleet

There was now open hostility between the inhabitants and the invaders, and each side prepared to opposites com the other. The Greeks made a milts attempt to burn the Venetian fleet. They prepared seventeen boats, set fire to the wood and various combustibles with which they had been loaded, and at midnight on New Year’s Day, when a strong southerly wind was blowing, turned them adrift. The attempt, however, failed. A few persons were injured, and a Pisan merchantman was burned, with her cargo; but the Venetians with their boat-hooks managed to push the burning ships away from them to the mouth of the harbor, where the strong current which is always running soon carried them out of the way of doing harm. A week after the Greeks made a sortie with their cavalry, but were repulsed.

The people Revolution

Within the city the confusion increased daily. The people Revolution in were convinced that they had nothing to hope the city. from either emperor. They had at length awakened to a sense of danger. The question was no longer one of a mere change of rulers, but one of fulfilling a contract to which they were no party, of paying a band of robbers who were without the walls for a service which their young emperor had requested, but which they had not desired, and for which they certainly had no reason to be grateful. What they wanted was a ruler who would not allow them to be plundered. They saw an enemy which had already done them grievous wrong, and were burning to be delivered from him. The policy of Alexis seemed to the citizens to be to sacrifice everything in order to keep on good terms with their enemies. Even the Crusaders admitted that he was doing what he could for them. He was divided between loyalty to his own subjects and fear of displeasing Philip of Swabia and his late companions.

Venice was to prevent an attack upon Egypt

The evidence in support of an understanding between Venice and the sultan, by which Venice was to prevent an attack upon Egypt, is already weighty, and will probably be conclusive when a more careful examination has been made of the Venetian archives. Charles Hopf, the greatest of German authorities on all that relates to the history of the East during the Middle Ages, and who had amassed large stores of materials for his historical works, appears to have had a copy of this treaty in his possession.

The treaty is mentioned by one of the earliest historians of the crusade. Arnold of Ibelino, the probable author of the “ Continuation of the History of William of Tyre,” gives an account which is full of detail and which there is no reason to regard as seriously inaccurate. He says that when the Sultan of Babylon, as the ruler of Egypt was then generally called, from the fortified town on the Nile which he usually occupied, heard that a great fleet had been chartered by the Christians to proceed to Egypt, he sent for the cadis and priests to take counsel with him how he should save his country from the Christians ‘who were coming. He made various proposals for the defence of the country. Then he sent messengers to Venice with rich presents to the doge and the inhabitants. The messengers were charged to ask for the friendship of the Venetians, and to promise that if the Christians were diverted from their plan of an attack upon Egypt the Venetians should receive great treasures and large privileges in the port of Alexandria. The messengers went to Venice, and, as we have seen, succeeded.

Diversion of the crusading army from Egypt

The explanation, therefore, of the diversion of the crusading army from Egypt is to be found first and mainly in the treason of Venice. In order to obtain advantages of trade over her Italian rivals she had accepted a treaty which made it impossible for her to conduct the army of the Cross of Egypt.

The Crusaders grumbled, suspected treachery, and did all they could to fulfil their vows, but all in vain. Venice had a fixed and definite purpose. Circumstances enabled her to force the Crusaders to go to Zara, and the winter once lost it became easier to divert the expedition from its original purpose than it had been a year previously. We shall now have to examine how it came about that Dandolo was enabled again to prevent the Crusaders leaving for Egypt, and in so doing to carry out at once his part of the treaty with Egypt and to revenge his own wrongs and those of Venice against Constantinople.

Byzantine architecture was taking more and more the beautiful forms

The appreciation of works of art was probably growing in strength. Byzantine architecture was taking more and more the beautiful forms under which it was to become known to the world as Gothic. The internal decoration of churches, and probably also of private dwellings, had attained a high development.

The mosaics and frescoes of the churches of Constantinople were already renowned in Italy, whither artists had gone, and had already prepared the way for the rapid progress in these forms of mural decoration which was made in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The Church was represented by a fairly educated and married priesthood, whose influence tended to the education of the whole people. The very frequent references to Ilomer, the constant classical allusions, the quotations from Scripture, show not merely comparatively widespread reading on the part of the Greek writers of this period, hut imply a corresponding amount of knowledge on the part of those whom they hoped to find as readers.

But it was in the great body of the people that the most hopeful signs were to be found. The municipal spirit developed among the Greek race had leavened the populations of Constantinople and the chief cities under Byzantine rule. The government of the municipalities had never been altogether surrendered by the people. The education given by the widespread commercial habits of the merchants was developing the intelligence of the people, with the result that they were never so intolerant in religious matters as the people of the West, and wTould never have tolerated among them a feudal system.

The great glory of the Byzantine Empire

Commerce, indeed, was the great glory of the Byzantine Empire. Commerce, with all its advantages and veiopment of all its drawbacks Visit Bulgaria, was the characteristic feature of the empire. ^ew Rome. The wealth, the luxury, the tolerance, the development of household and of ecclesiastical art were largely due to commerce. The neglect of the public weal, the lessening of interest in the management of public affairs, the abandonment of the wealthier classes to effeminacy and idleness, and the low ideal wdiicli was thus presented to the poorer classes, was largely due to the enormous increase of wealthy families which commerce had enriched.

Had the external foes of the New Rome been fewer or had she been able to overcome them, there is reason to believe that Europe might have seen the development of a State in which there would have been an amount of material comfort associated with family life such as is hardly yet to be found in any European country. Side by side with this there would have been an intellectual activity which wrould have enabled the empire to preserve the foremost rank among European nations. On the Bosphorus would have been the capital of an empire which for twelve centuries after Christ had preserved an unbroken tradition of order, of good government, of knowledge of Greek literature, of commercial prosperity, of literary and artistic development.

The imperial city had bridged over the dark centuries of turmoil which intervened between the pagan civilizations and those of Christianity. While the nations of the West had been in course of formation, the Homan Empire had, in the East, been continuing its history in almost unbroken prosperity. We may probably gain the best idea of the forms into which that prosperity would have developed by recalling what her great rival subsequently became. Venice, I repeat, was in her later history the reproduction on the Adriatic of what her former patron had been on the Bosphorus. The rule of the New Borne was over a wider area and under more difficult conditions than that of Venice, but the resemblance is not the less remarkable.

The condition of things in Constantinople

The condition of things in Constantinople at the moment comparison was attacked by the army of the West presents dftVo»e<5Vem- many resemblances, but with some all important Greeks differences, to that which exists in the same city at under Turks. ^he present moment. Then, as now, the people were oppressed, and in the practice of the government seemed to exist mainly for the purpose of paying taxes. Corruption had honeycombed every department of the State. Offices were bought and sold. The influence of the eunuchs was greater than that of ministers of state. Public debts were paid by delegations upon the provinces a mode which then, as now, allowed the local government to share the plunder of the people. Money collected for the State was seized by the palace and diverted from its legitimate purpose. Effeminacy had taken possession of the ruling classes, and had done much to demoralize them.

Merchants and citizens had alike taken

Merchants and citizens had alike taken in hand the redress of their own wrongs even in Constantinople, while Attacks upon condition of the Byzantine marine enabled Italian Latins to ravage the coasts and the islands when rates. Never they were at war with the empire. During the last few years of the century they were nearly always at war. In 1192 the Pisans and the Genoese were confirmed in their old privileges, or had new ones granted them, although at the very time Pisan and Genoese pirates were ravaging the Egean Sea. These pirates, in ships belonging respectively to the two states, captured a Venetian vessel on its way to Constantinople.

There was on board of it an ambassador from Isaac who was returning from Egypt, and another from Saladin who was bringing gifts of horses, wild animals, amber, and other valuable presents to the emperor. The ambassadors were murdered. Isaac resented their murder and the theft of the presents intended for him. He made complaints to Genoa and Pisa, seized merchant ships, and asked for indemnity. After some time the Genoese consented to give it, but the Pisans gave no satisfaction.

The government of Pisa was either unable or unwilling to control its citizens, who took to piracy with impunity. In 1191 a fleet of vessels belonging to similar freebooters virtually blockaded the Dardanelles and plundered imperial vessels. The emperor was powerless to capture them. The Council of Pisa took no step to oppose them. One of these pirates, in 1198, defeated the imperial admiral with thirty ships. The emperor only succeeded in putting an end to his ravages by proposing terms to him through the Genoese, and then setting the Pisans to attack him.

A Genoese pirate

The Genoese had, however, become equally troublesome. A Genoese pirate, named Caffario, had, after great difficulty, been captured and killed. On his death the emperor requested Genoa to send an ambassador to his court with a view to negotiations. This was done, and arrangements were made for the restoration of the buildings and wharves that the Genoese had possessed in Constantinople, but the negotiations can hardly be said to have been concluded when the city was captured by the Crusaders.

Manuel Camyzes Protostrator

Among those best qualified for the dignity was Manuel Camyzes Protostrator. He, however was strongly opposed by John Sebastocrator, his uncle. Each of the three brothers of the emperor, as well as his brother-in-law, had a son. Each of the four fathers, all of whom, it may be mentioned, had been blinded by Andronicos, was desirous of seeing his own son upon the throne, and plotted to attain that end. Apparently these rival candidates, or their protectors, were willing to wait until the death of Alexis, or at least to be content if they could succeed in obtaining from the emperor a recommendation or nomination which should come into effect upon his death. Other aspirants, however, outside the near relatives of the emperor, attempted to deprive Alexis of the throne. A certain John Comnenos, who was nicknamed the Fat, entered the Great Church with his followers, who were mostly of the nobility, and, taking down a small crown which hung suspended over the altar, put it upon his head, and was proclaimed emperor.

He took possession without difficulty of the Great Palace, took his seat upon the throne, and proceeded at once to make a distribution of the great offices of state. His followers proclaimed him throughout the city, and a mob seemed to think itself entitled to the reward for having shouted for him of pillaging the houses of the wealthy. John apparently thought his position secure, for at night he took no precautions for guarding the palace. The emperor, who had probably been absent at the palace of Blachern, assembled his friends, who made a night attack by sea, joined the guards who had remained faithful or indifferent, surprised the followers of John near the hippodrome, entered the palace and beheaded the pretender.

John Sebastocrator

About the same time Michael, a natural son of John Sebastocrator, who had been sent to levy the taxes due by the province of Mylassa, in Caria, made an attempt to obtain the throne. Troops were sent against him, and he was defeated. Like so many other pretenders and enemies of the empire, he sought and found refuge among the Turks. From the sultan he received troops with which he pillaged the cities and country round the Meander. The emperor set out in November to attack him. In returning to Constantinople he stopped to take the hot baths at Pythia, near the modern Yalova, on the Gulf of Ismidt. A violent storm, however, forced his party to take shelter on Prinkipo, whence they returned to Chalcedon and the capital.

The governor John Comnenos

The governor, John Comnenos, a brother of the protosebastos, was so convinced of his powers of persuasion that he refused to see him, and shut his gates against him. Andronicos thereupon crossed over to Nicomedia, the modern Ismidt. Andronicos Angelos, two of whose sons subsequently came to the throne, was sent against him, but was defeated. Andronicos then pushed boldly on to Constantinople, and on the hills opposite Prinkipo lit a great number of fires, in order to make the people of the capital believe that he was accompanied by a large army.

The protosebastos was greatly alarmed at his approach, and the more so that he had no confidence in the army. The inhabitants were known to be friendly to Andronicos, and, although he counted on the fleet and on the foreign colonists in the capital, he was by no means assured of the loyalty of Attempts to either. He at once collected every available ship inanes them in part with Homans and in part with Italians, distributing among them large sums of money. Contostephanos claimed the command of the fleet as a right; and although Alexis distrusted him, he was obliged to give way and content himself with surrounding him with friends in whom he had confidence.

Andronicos returned answer

Having thus barred the passage of the Bosphorus, he sent an embassy to Andronicos, with a letter in which he promised many dignities, favors, and rewards, if he would consent to disband his army. The embassy failed, possibly, as Nicetas thinks, because the ambassador himself urged the rejection of the proposals which he carried. Andronicos returned answer that he would retire into private life if the protosebastos and his friends were dismissed, if the empress cut short her hair and re-entered a monastery, and if the emperor alone assumed the government.

Much territory in Asia

The Turks had thus, in the course of a century, pushed their conquests to within sight of the New Rome. Their progress had been steady, in spite of a series of defeats. At the same time the Saracens in Syria had placed the whole of the Christian population in subjection. The empire had lost almost as much territory in Asia as it possessed in Europe.

The statesmen of the capital were fully alive to the necessity of using their utmost efforts to arrest the progress of their countless enemies. Unfortunately, at the time when Suliman was gaining his greatest success, the empire had other enemies to meet. Robert Wiscard, the Norman, was attacking it on the southwest at Durazzo, and had succeeded in destroying the Italian exarchate over the two Sicilies, while another branch of the Turks was making war in Europe on the northeastern frontier. Still, as we shall see, the New Rome was yet to make a stout resistance against its Asiatic foe.

While the Byzantine armies had been defending Europe the more intelligent of the statesmen

West Bad not failed to observe the danger West- to Christendom from the continual attacks of the Turks and the Saracens. Among such statesmen the popes were pre-eminent. They had their own quarrel with the Byzantine empire, a quarrel which was all the more bitter because it was founded mainly on the rejection of the claim of supremacy advanced by the elder Home, but they nevertheless saw that the empire was lighting the battle of Christianity against Mahometanism, and that it was the interest of the West to help. TIence, as early as 1074, Pope Gregory the Seventh summoned all Christian rulers to unite their forces in favor of the Eastern emperor against the Turks. A few months later he again called upon all the faithful to go to the aid of the empire against the miscreants.

Turks had become more formidable

Four years after the pope’s summons the Turks had become more formidable than ever balkan tours. On the one hand, they had received new strength from an irruption of fresh hordes from the East, who knew no other occupation than war, no other wealth than plunder, and, on the other, their power was strengthened by the appearance of another pretender to the imperial throne, who had applied for and obtained their assistance, and who, in return, delivered several fortified cities to them.

An Armenian writer of the period1 describes the kingdom of Bourn under Suliman as extending from the Euphrates to Constantinople, and from the Black Sea to Syria. Anna Comnena, the daughter of the Emperor Alexis, says that every part of the empire was at this period attacked with mortal convulsions, that the Turks overran and ravaged the East, while Eobert Wiscard lighted up the fire of war in the West, and that the empire had never been reduced to such a pitiable weakness.

Christian population

Suliman, who took the title of ghazi on account of his successes over the Christians, made Nicma the base of operations against the Christian population all round him as far as the Bosphorus, and levied taxes within sight of the imperial city itself.

Alexis, the first emperor of note of the great house of Com- Aiexis the nenos, did his best to drive away the invader; fought First. him and defeated him, and might possibly, as his daughter thinks, have recovered the Asiatic provinces, if the attack of Robert in the west of the empire had not compelled him to make peace. As it was, he succeeded in obtaining a treaty by which Suliman promised that he would not pass the river Drakon.

Aboul Cassim

A little later the difficulties in the western portion of his empire compelled Alexis to ask assistance from the Turks, and 7000 men were sent3 to his aid. When the emperor had defeated his Western invaders he attempted again to check the inroads of the Turks. The governor of Nicasa, Aboul Cassim, had violated the treaty, and the Turks were again on the shores of the Marmora. Their ruler was Ivilidi Arslan, the son of Suliman, who became sultan in 1095, and is often spoken of by Latin writers under the same name as his father.

Finish of artificial training

In all the vicissitudes of a missionary life, all his social relations, in his intercourse with his family at home and his friends around, he was always the same confiding, contented, humble, happy Christian man. In society, native or foreign, high or low, he moved with the same ease, not from any finish of artificial training in his youth, but from the native soundness, simplicity, modesty, and benevolence of his heart and mind, pervaded by the spirituality of his inner life, and guided by a peculiar soundness of judgment as to what was fitting at the place and in the society he was in.

This remark reminds me of very numerous instances in our missionary deliberations, often on difficult, responsible, and complicated subjects, when he would put the question and sug-gest the right measure, often with such clearness as to secure at once the concurrence of the whole station or mission; and he did so, not as the result of any profound or acute reasoning on the subject, but simply as the verdict of a judgment thoroughly clear and sound.

Measures to be adopted

I could mention cases when in later days, in my judgment, the mission had reason to deplore their dissent from him in the measures to be adopted. But in these cases (they were not frequent) he invariably submitted to the majority, and did it unhesitatingly and honestly.

At last, the end of a well-spent missionary life drew near, and, as his health and strength were manifestly failing fast, he turned his face toward the land of his fathers, but still more to-ward “ the land of pure delight, where saints immortal reign.” Not Boston, not New York, not Philadelphia, but the New Jerusalem, was the city he sought, and now has found.

Our Savior does not leave us to grope our way into heaven alone

“ ‘ And if I go and prepare a place for you, I will come again and receive you unto myself, that where I am there ye may be also.’ Our Saviour does not leave us to grope our way into heaven alone. He comes himself to receive those who trust in Him.”

This thought entered the soul of the dying man. He started from his pillow, and, with a countenance irradiated with joy, exclaimed, “ How beautiful! How beautiful! ” Jesus was revealed to him as the “ rod out of the stem of Jesse,” to comfort him in the valley of the shadow of death.

Blessings on the memory of the missionary’s father! Truly his effectual fervent prayers have availed much. What numbers will have reason to bless God for the labors of his eminent son!

Yours very sincerely.

In November, 1863, our national Thanksgiving was cele-brated in Constantinople, according to recent custom. The occasion was always one of great interest, the families of the mission, and the Americans who might happen to be in Con-stantinople, uniting most heartily in its observance, and usually having some social exercises after those of a more strictly religious character. At this time the day was observed in true American style and spirit.

The Army and Navy

Among the sentiments offered was one deriving its significance from the civil war that was then going on at home: “ The Union as it was intended to be, and as it shall be,” which was responded to by Mr. Goddard, American consul. “ The Army and Navy ” called up the Rev. Mr. Pettibone. The Rev. Dr. Hamlin proposed, “ Our missionary boys and the Federal army,” and called upon Rev. Dr. Schauffler, who had a son in the army; and he responded in an eloquent and patriotic address. On the reading of the toast, “ The Constantinople Colony,” Dr. Goodell was called on, and gave the following historical reminiscences: —

“My family removed to this place in June, 1831. We had then three children, and we constituted the whole American colony of Constantinople. In a few weeks our number was increased by the arrival of Constantine A Washington, whose baggage and the most of whose outfit were, a few days before, consumed in that dreadful conflagration which reduced all Pera to ashes. A\re received him as best we could, and he lived with us nine years.

The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions

“ As my voice and my strength will not allow me to address this large assembly, I have, since my arrival here, prepared my thoughts, and addressed them to the respected President of this Board, and will now request Mr. Dodge to read the paper to the Board.”

VERY HONORED AND DEAR SIR, — Including two years which I spent as an agent of the Board, it is now more than forty-five years since I entered the service, and came under the direction of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and about forty-three years since I received a commission from your Prudential Committee to labor as a missionary under their direction, among the mingled peoples of Asia Minor.

On account of my age and infirmities it should be known that I am no longer able to perform the active duties of a missionary, and having no voice or strength left to address this great congregation on the subject, I choose to come in this way by letter, and place in your hands, honored sir, the commission which I received about forty-three years ago. Not that I wish my connection with you to be really ever sundered, unless you yourselves should consider it desirable for the sake of the good cause; for when I entered this holy service it was for life, nor do I wish it to terminate but with my life.

Feeling of discouragement

I wish it to be understood that it is not through any feeling of discouragement that I now retire from the field, for the work never appeared to me more hopeful than it does now. Nor is it through any dissatisfaction with the Board, with the Prudential Committee, or with any of my brethren and sisters of the mission. More kind, more con-siderate, and more affectionate brethren and sisters, than those with whom it has been my happiness to be associated, earth never saw, nor can I easily be made to feel that even the millennium itself will ever produce any thing better.

A Turkish service in the Armenian church

Dec. 27, 1856, he writes in his journal: —

“About two months ago the Bishop of Ilass Keuy commenced a Turkish service in the Armenian church here, precisely at the hour of my service. As the Armenians at the capital understand Armenian much better than Turkish, it is difficult to see what the object could be, except to prevent people from coming to our chapel. It was said that he preached evangelically; and that on one Sabbath he preached not only at the same hour, but from the same text I did, and, moreover, divided his subject precisely in the same way.

As I preached the same sermon in another chapel on the previous Sabbath, it is supposed he must have had a reporter there to take notes; for my treatment of the subject was not such as an Armenian bishop would naturally fall upon. But however this may be, ‘ Christ is preached, and I therein do rejoice, yea and will rejoice.’ The text on this occasion was, ‘ The Master is come, and calleth for thee.’ ”

In March, 1857, Dr. Goodell drew up and forwarded to the Board an elaborate paper on “ The Importance of Constantinople as a Missionary Field,” as compared with some other fields on which a large amount of labor and money had been expended. Only the heads of this paper can here be given: —

1. Constantinople is a great world in itself. It contains, including its suburbs, more inhabitants than the whole Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and ten times as many as all the Sandwich Islands.

2. All the nationalities of the empire are represented at the capital. Every sect and almost every clan in the empire has here its civil and ecclesiastical head; its court, to which all appeals are made, and where all its business of any importance is transacted.

Eastern and Western Turkey

3. All the pashas and acting bishops, or vartabeds, in every part of the empire, go out from Constantinople. 4. Constantinople is the great centre of Eastern and Western Turkey. It stands on the margin where European civilization terminates, and where Asiatic barbarism commences. 5. There are at Constantinople not less than fifty thousand foreigners, from England, France, Germany, Italy, and, indeed, all parts of Europe; and the greater part of them are never reached by any evangelical influence.

These several points he enforced with strong argument, and in answering the objection to the thorough occupation of this stronghold on account of the expense, he wrote: —

Seven evangelical churches in Turkey

There are now seven evangelical churches in Turkey, and, before you receive this, there will probably be eight. These churches of the living God have nowhere to assemble but “ at the door of the tabernacle of the congregation,” in a private house, or in a room rented for the purpose, no house of prayer having been yet erected for any of them. The church of Constantinople was organized nearly two years ago, with forty members, and sixty have since been added to it, there having been additions at every communion. The number of those that belong to the congregation is at least four times as large as the number of those that belong to the church, and no private house is sufficiently large to accommodate them. “ Your servants for Jesus’ sake,” whom you have sent here to invite “ as many as they find” to the Gospel feast, can no longer say to those that come, “ And yet there is room; ” but, in direct opposition to the while spirit of Christianity, our straitened circumstances declare to them more plainly than words, You must go away; there is no more room.

A house of God, then, is imperiously demanded. A lot for the purpose has already been purchased. The contract for the building is already made. The house will absolutely be built. The cost will be ten thousand dollars. The money must and will be forthcoming. You will see the bills are drawn at sight. Should you honor them, the honesty and the reward will be yours. Your own precious Redeemer, who poured out His own soul unto death to save yours, has such confidence in your punctuality and uprightness that you have the honor of His first call. Ilis first drafts are on you; and surely not for worlds would you have His confidence in the stability and integrity of your house shaken.

Should it be asked why the people here do not build their own church, the answer is, they have suffered the loss of all things for Christ, and taken joyfully the spoiling of their goods. Some of them are not even yet able to earn their own bread, so vigilant are their enemies to distress and ruin them. “ Now at this time, then, let your abundance be a supply for their want, that their abundance may hereafter be a supply for your want,” beyond the Rocky Mountains, in Oregon, or California.

Contemplated church of the Redeemer

One word more. Satan has a house of worship building here, — a magnificent theatre, — which will cost at least one hundred times as much as this contemplated church of the Redeemer. Some scores of men have been employed on it for many months, and they will be employed for mouths more. This also is built by subscription. Rut all Satan’s drafts for this object are duly honored. We have not heard of a single bill of his being protested here, although he really has no funds in any house.

Now, my dear brother, we have no more words to say. If any more are necessary, you must say them. Rut we fully expect to hear that those on whom these bills are drawn sat down immediately and wrote “Accepted,” and said at once, “ Rise up and build bulgaria holidays.” And thus all that any future historian of these transactions will have to add will be, “ So they strengthened their hands for this good work.”

Alleluia! Amen! Farewell.

In behalf of the station,

W. GOODELL.

To this were appended a number of drafts for various amounts, to be signed with the names of the cheerful donors of the several sums.

Sustaining pecuniary

From his very entrance upon his work at Constantinople, Mr. Goodell had aimed at calling forth the energies of the people in sustaining pecuniary the various operations that were undertaken for their benefit, and this not merely as a matter of economy, but in order that they might appreciate their privileges. What costs nothing is little valued; and it is equally true that those who have expended time and labor and money on any enterprise will naturally look for some return from the investment. The first year that he was at Constantinople, he encouraged the Greeks and the Turks to 15 v

establish tlieir own schools, while he furnished the plans for carrying them on, and, as far as possible, books and teachers, for which they were expected to pay. In this way they were made altogether responsible for keeping up the schools.

The Missionary’s Daughter

In a letter to Mrs. Cumings, written several years later, he acknowledged in his own peculiar style the receipt of a copy of “ The Missionary’s Daughter,” which she had sent to him at Constantinople: —

My good Sister, Daughter, or, what shall I call you?

I suppose, however, it makes but little difference what I call you now, for long before I shall see you, you will be “ called by a new name, which the mouth of the Lord shall name.” I wonder what that name will be! Gentleness? Charity? Patience? Hope? Zeal? or what? I fancy we shall recognize Abraham at once. As far off as he can be seen, CONFIDENCE IN GOD will be seen inscribed in such bold characters on his whole being, that he will at once be “ known and read of all men.” So when we meet with one whose character is throughout and throughout developed in meekness, we shall know at once it is Moses.

Blessed Saviour

Now I can form no idea what your new name will be, nor, indeed, what will be my own, unless it be, Unworthy to have a name. But in the many mansions our blessed Saviour has prepared for His friends, I hope that yours and ours will not be so far apart but that we can see each other occasionally, without being under the necessity of taking a sea voyage. I am thankful that my precious Sandwich Island cousin has put me in communication with you, and that through a daughter of mine and a brother of yours I am brought into almost veritable relationship, while through Jesus Christ, our common head, the connection between us is still nearer and more precious, and it will continue as long as our connection with Jesus Christ will continue.

But let me not forget — for that is, indeed, the object of this note — to thank you for the Memoir of my cousin. I shall read it with double interest now that I know you to be the writer. And, commending ourselves to your prayers, I remain, in Christ,

Yours affectionately,

W. GOODELL.

Even mirthful disposition made

Though in contrast with this expression of parental sorrow, we turn to other scenes of a domestic character. Having in his own family and around him a large circle of little ones, Mr. Goodell took the most lively interest in all that tended to make them happy. His own uniformly cheerful and even mirthful disposition made him always the welcome friend and companion of children. He had the happy faculty of adapting himself to their years and thoughts and tastes, and in their society he was ready to be regarded and treated as if he were the youngest of them all. Some letters are subjoined showing the interest he took in all that related to his own children. The first was written to his aged father, to whom the previous letter was addressed, and was his own way of announcing the birth of a child: —

MY DEAR AND HONORED GRANDFATHER, — As I was not born till the 12th inst., it cannot be supposed that I should know much of letter writing. But having heard my parents speak of giving you some information of my little self, I thought it would be better for me to give it myself, even though my thoughts should be very crude, and I should have to employ an amanuensis to express them, than to leave it entirely to those whose acquaintance with me has been so short.

Grandfather in the world

And, besides, if what I hear is true, I have but one grandfather in the world, and he an old man, perhaps not much farther from the end of his time than I am from the beginning of mine, and therefore I should not lose a moment in commencing a correspondence with him, both for the sake of giving him some token of the respect and love I bear him for all his kindness to my father and to my paternal uncles and aunts, and also to request that he would give me some of the results of his experience during his long sojourn in this world.

You will doubtless expect that I should express my views and feelings in regard to this world; but really I have been an inhabitant of it so short a time, that perhaps the less I say the better. I may say to you, however, in confidence, that my first impressions were very unfavorable; md I felt so much disappointment, that, though it was Sunday, I could not refrain from immediately lifting up my voice and crying aloud.

A nominally Christian community

In order to understand how the leaders of a nominally Christian community could inaugurate and carry on a systematic, high-handed persecution against their former brethren, under the government of a Mohammedan power, and inflict upon them actual punishment, it will be necessary to refer again, and more minutely, to the peculiar constitution of things under which the various nations were living in Turkey. This system of government was established when the Ottoman Turks took Constantinople. It seems to have been adopted to relieve the Sultan and his ministers of the trouble of looking after the various classes of people that were under the control of the Porte. It is a marvel that it worked even as miserably well as it did; but it opened the door for a vast amount of oppression and misrule.

The Turkish government, of which the Sultan was the despotic head, was supreme; but only the Turks and other Mohammedans were directly amenable to its authority. All other nations, such as the Greeks, Armenians, and Jews, had each its own head and its own government, which was literally an imperium in imperia. By the fundamental law of the empire, each nation was a distinct community, and attended to its own affairs very much as if there were no other government existing in Turkey. The Armenians, for instance, had their patriarch, appointed by the Sultan and ranking with the higher Turkish pashas, who was held responsible for the government and the good conduct of that nation, and who was invested for this purpose with almost unlimited authority over his people.

Really subject to the Sultan

Though nominally and really subject to the Sultan, his acts were seldom interfered with, however arbitrary or oppressive they might be, so long as they did not affect the Mohammedans. He was both civil and ecclesiastical head of his nation, and had authority to inflict both civil and ecclesiastical penalties. One form of punishment, dreaded almost as much as death, that of banishment to distant parts of the empire, he could not inflict; but an order of banishment was easily obtained from the Sultan, especially if the application for it were accompanied with a suitable bribe.

Greek church in Pera

The extracts from his journal are continued: —

“ March 5,1837. Some time last week one of the hermits put up a paper on the door of the Greek church in Pera, calling upon all the people to rise and utterly exterminate the corrupter of their youth and the destroyer of their religion. One of the principal citizens, passing by, saw it, and informed the bishop, in order that it might be immediately taken down; for, said he, should it come to the ears of the Sultan, as no individual is specified, he will very naturally think himself intended. But, though the paper was forthwith removed, yet it produced so much sensation that many protected Greeks went to church on Sunday, prepared, in case priest E. should denounce any individual as a heretic, to drag the preacher from the pulpit, and turn him into the street. The Sublime Porte also subsequently took cognizance of the paper, interpreting it, of course, in the very natural way suggested above; and the Greek patriarch found it very difficult to give a satisfactory account of the business. Some of the Greeks were for accusing our own quiet selves as the authors of the paper, but no one dared to do it openly and formally.

“ March 17. Met in the street an Armenian teacher, who occasionally visited us last summer, and who had so much to say against superfluous worship. He asked whether our high school had commenced since the plague. I told him that our school no longer existed, but that there would be another and better one at Hass lveuy. He expressed surprise, and asked me to explain myself. As he appeared to be perfectly ignorant of all that had transpired, I began by saying, ‘ You are doubtless aware that the chief meu of the nation became a little alarmed about our high school, not knowing what might grow out of it, and therefore ’ —

“ ‘ Aman! Aman! ’ (Alas! Alas!) he interrupted, ‘ I understand it all. Aman! Aman! ’

“ ‘ But stop a moment,’ said I, 1 and you will see that it is all ordered right, and has turned out well. You do not uiulerst ’ —

“ ‘ Aman! Aman! ’ he again interrupted. 41 understand it all; my worst fears are realized. Aman! Aman! ’

And thus he left me, crying, as long as I could hear him, Aman! Aman! ’ which, for aught I know, he is repeating to this day.

Sake of the Virgin

“April 4. Being in the city to-day, a beggar, sitting by the wayside, asked charity for the sake of the mediation of Christ. I do not recollect of ever hearing a beggar use this plea before. If Christians, they generally ask for the sake of the Virgin, or some of the saints. In the present instance the poor man’s plea was not in vain; for I stopped at once, and gave him something, and I resolved to give something, if in my power, to every beggar who asked in the name of Christ, recollecting that blessed promise of His, that ‘ whatsoever we ask in His name, it shall be given us.’

Interesting of all the Orientals

But, after all, there is something in the Turkish character which I always admire; and I have frequently made the remark that, should they be brought under the influence of the Gospel, they would, to my taste, be the most interesting of all the Orientals. Their gardens are retired and romantic, their dwellings are distinguished for simplicity and quietness, and the stork loves to come and build his nest on their chimneys. Their children have fine healthy countenances, and are in general neatly dressed and well-behaved, — the girls being modest and retiring, and the boys manly, but not rude. It is very rare to see them boxing or hooting in the streets; indeed, I do not recollect to have ever seen an instance of the kind.

A stranger to our athletic and boisterous sports, to our more effeminate exercise of dancing, or to the bustle and conviviality of our social circles, the Turk reclines on his soft cushions with all composure; partakes of his pilaff and his, in general, vegetable fare, with few words’ and little ceremony; smokes in silence the mild tobacco of Syria, or the still milder tombecky of Persia; regales himself at short intervals by sipping the superior coffee of Moka; troubles himself little with politics, and, if possible, still less about the weather; is easily reconciled by the doctrine of fate to all the calamities that may befall his neighbors or his country; knows nothing of hypochondria; and, if he wishes any excitement, the Jews and Greeks will do any thing for money to amuse him, or he has only to take a few grains of opium, and he is at once in an ecstasy.

Our families recently had an invitation, with Commodore Porter, to attend the circumcision of Ali Bey’s eldest son, — a ceremony which a Prank or a Christian has very seldom an opportunity of witnessing.

Ali Bey resides at Kadi Koy, the ancient Chalcedon; and he is a near and a good neighbor of our Charge d’affaires, who, besides ourselves, was the only Frank present on the occasion. He is of the higher class of Turks; and, holding an important office under government for many years, he has acquired both wealth and renown. The poor among the dogs lie down at his gate, and look up to him for protection and support; and the birds of the air build their nests in his salam/ak, or room for receiving company, where they lay their eggs and rear their young without molestation.

His son was an interesting youth, of a fine form and coun-tenance, pleasing manners, richly dressed, and adorned with various ornaments of diamond and pearl. He was thirteen years of age, which is a later period than usual for the performance of the rite; for up to this time they are considered as belonging to the harem, — the hair of their head is suffered to grow, and is plaited by the women with much neatness; but after this time their head is shaved, according to Turkish usage, and they are taken from the women’s apartments, and admitted only to the society of men. Two other boys from families in the neighborhood were to have been introduced into man’s estate at the same time, but the courage of one of them failed him, and, when the moment came, the rogue took to his heels and ran away, and did not show his face again till he was assured he could do it with safety.

Friends and acquaintance

Ali Bey invited all his friends and acquaintance, and made a great feast. The guests were numerous; and, as we arrived at half-past ten o’clock, A.M., and did not leave till five o’clock, P.M., we had an opportunity of seeing much of Turkish manners. Ali Bey conducted himself with great dignity and propriety, manifesting no levity, nor giving utterance to an idle or unnecessary word, showing much affection and tenderness for his children, and appearing to consult the comfort and happiness of his friends.

Many of his guests were equally courteous and dignified; and, indeed, almost every one main-tained a decorum, both of speech and behavior, which it would be well for some who boast of their superior civilization to imitate Istiklal Street and Taksim Square. I was amused and gratified to see the spirit of equality that seemed to animate them all: the poor and the rich met together; the slave sat down in the presence of his master; and every one that entered received a salaam from one and another all round the room, which he returned with the same easy and graceful manner with which it was given, and with the same apparent consciousness of being a man among men.

But, though they did not condescend to be foolish them-selves, yet, I am sorry to say, Ali Bey hired others to play the fool for them. 1 say nothing now of their music, except that it is always rude, nor of the sentiments of their songs, except that in most cases it is well that so few of the words can be even understood, from the barbarous manner of singing; but three paltry Jews, occasionally relieving the musicians, endeavored to amuse the company by a variety of artful tricks and ridiculous pranks, now practising legerdemain, and now exhibiting the most antic gestures and postures, accompanied with low jests.

Immediately Carabet

“ This is the first time that I have lived alone with my family since my marriage. On our arrival at Malta, in 1823, we lived in the same house with the families of Messrs. Bird and Temple. When we ‘first arrived at Beyrout we lived for nearly a year with Mr. Bird, and when we took another house, we had immediately Carabet, and soon after his wife, with us constantly, besides many Arabs continually about us. We have now for a whole month been alone, and we bless God for this retirement and relief from care and anxiety. Though I spend most of my days at the press, yet I see and enjoy more of my family than I ever have before. The society of my wife and children is indeed a comfort, which my circumstances have never before permitted me to enjoy.”

In January, 1829, he wrote: “ On the 8th Mr. Anderson took tea with us, and we had a fire in the evening, the first we have had since leaving America,” which was more than six years before.

To a friend at Andover, Mass., he wrote from Malta, under date of March 24, 1829: —

Constitute the body of Christ

“ We thank you and all our good friends at Andover for so affectionately and prayerfully remembering us in our low estate.’ Though we feel unworthy of such remembrance, yet we are, I trust, of4 the goodly company ’ of those who constitute the body of Christ; ’ and if so, we aremembers in particular, and members one of another.’ We ‘believe in the holy catholic church, the communion of saints.’ We love to feel united in spirit, labors, sufferings, privileges, and blessings, with allthe household of faith,’ with all4 the elect/ who ‘have obtained like precious faith,’ whose ‘names are written in heaven,’ and whoare come unto Mount Zion, the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem; ’ with all who ‘ are builded together for an habitation of God through the Spirit,’ and who ‘ in every place call upon the name of Jesus Christ our Lord, both theirs and ours.’